Wednesday, February 28, 2007

Armenian Genocide Resolution: Turkey's Chutzpah

Editorial Board
The Jewish Press

We are certainly not insensitive to the significance of Turkey’s support of Israel. But the Turkish government’s attempt to capitalize on that support by pressing the American Jewish community to oppose a Congressional resolution that condemns as “genocide” Turkey’s murder of a million and a half Armenians during World War I strikes us as being the height of chutzpah.
As The New York Sun reported, on February 5 the Turkish foreign minister met with representatives of several major Jewish groups and “made a hard sell” against House Resolution 106, which now has 176 co-sponsors. The Turkish official reportedly appealed to the participants by noting – outrageously, we think – the uniqueness of the German genocide against the Jews.

Movie Review: The Source (Zdroj)

"The Source"
Directed by Martin Marecek
Set in Azerbaijan, documentary, 2005
75 mins.
(Czech with English subtitles)


This witty documentary was sadly and miserably funny at times and sobering and depressing at most others. The film looks at the broad issue of oil prices by focusing on the Baku oil industry. Baku was the home to the world's first oil rig and until today continues to be the site of huge oil wealth stemming from the Caspian.

The Source examines the irreparable ecologic damage done to the country-side by "the gift of Azerbaijan". With radiation rates 100x the average, local villagers (70% of which live in poverty) live in areas which resemble tanker spills rather than neighborhoods.

Perhaps the most eyeopening issue addressed in the film is the inability for workers to feed their families on their wages earned. While the Aliyev clan and family get rich on oil money, the people of Azerbaijan struggle to make ends meet. Rated #130th country on the corruption scale (Transparency International), Azerbaijan, by means of falsified elections has become a hybrid-dictatorship.

The newly erected BTC (Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan) pipeline, among the world's longest oil pipelines, has been more of a bane than blessing for the people of Azerbaijan. The government routinely confiscated land to build on without compensating poor farmers and has contaminated a large portion of farmland. In the words of an Astafa village Azeri women, "One day we will take shovels and break that pipeline ourselves..."

The bottom line here is that NOBODY in Azerbaijan outside the Aliyev family will ever seen any benefit from Azerbaijan's rich natural resource.

Sunday, February 25, 2007

The Cry for Blood

BEKIR COSKUN: Hürriyet gazetesi

They had never been this excited by anything before. But they were thrilled to "be Ogun Samast." Thousands of them yelled "We are all Ogun Samast" at the match.


They never much cared for fighting for democracy.

They weren't ones to struggle against reactionaryism or backward thinking.

Working for a clean society was never their thing.

Nor was putting up a front against thieves and robbers.

Never, not even one day, did they ever shout out in anger about poverty, hunger, or the powerless in this country.

But what they all just loved doing was "being Ogun Samast."

Yes, they fill the weekend football stadium stands yelling "We are all Ogun Samast," over and over.

Ogun Samast, the murderer.

They say "We are all Ogun Samast."

And there are so many of them.

One, two, three, ten, one hundred thousand......

*

Meanwhile, here we are stupidly debating the deep state, who the real killer is, whether or not there is a secret organization at work, and who exactly might be behind this murder.

When all the time, the truth is being shouted in those football stadium stands: "We are all Ogun Samast."

Some are putting on replicas of that same white beret Samast wore when he committed the murder, the better to resemble him....

Just look around you. They're everywhere.

They're all yelling that they are each one "Ogun Samast."

A killer.

But when it comes to being equipped, cultured, knowledgeable, good citizens, people in whom their families can feel pride, well, there is no reaction from these same crowds.

They have never yelled with such ferocity when it comes to just growing up and becoming men. Nor when it comes to becoming human. What they want is to "be Ogun Samast." And so they yell in unison "We are all Ogun Samast."


Listen and listen well: this is the loud cry which yells out that peace and love can never come to this country. This is the cry of blood.

Saturday, February 24, 2007

Needlework and Article 301

AYSE KARABAT- Zaman Gazetesi

Although I like needlework and embroidery -- and still do them to relax -- I hated being sent to home economics class when I was in middle school. The reason for my hatred was very simple: While we girls were dealing with household works with a “scientific approach,” the boys were taking classes on how to write and speak beautifully and debate courses.
Make no mistake -- this discrimination in school was not taking place in a far corner of Anatolia but right in the middle of Ankara in the upper-middle class Ayrancı neighborhood, a five-minute walk to the Parliament and directly opposite of the Military Academy.
The school was a mixed one -- the girls and the boys were together in the classroom except for home economics classes and physical education. The school was what we called a simple state school, meaning it didn't give vocational training; instead the boys were sent to writing classes and we were sent to cooking classes.
My brother and I were in the same school. While I was sitting at home doing my homework with a needle on some fabric, he was doing his homework on me, writing speeches and reading them to me. I used to look at him and advise him to change some words while knitting baby shoes. I still remember the jealousy that I felt.
But when it comes to my brother practicing debate, I lost my head. He used to claim ridiculous ideas like milk not being white. At that time I did not know that I should not take ridiculous ideas seriously and tried to convince him using reasonable suggestions. But he didn't listen -- he just repeated the same thing over and over, speaking non stop and making me think I was talking to a wall.
But the next day while we were returning home he would thank me for letting him practice on me. He was considered one of the most gifted debate students. He used to be in the school debate team and compete with other schools.
When I grew up, I realized that this is how men learned to debate: Do not listen and repeat the same thing over and over again to make the other side tired of hearing it. They probably learned this method in school and didn't get rid of it.
For me, debate is still related to this conversation, and I believe it needs the same attention as embroidery, maybe because while I was learning how to wash clothes my mind was not being cleansed.
Every time I hear or participate in monologues about the problems with Turkey I remember those days. I called them monologues because they either take the form of my brother's “debate” on milk not being white, or just the simple approval of them.
Democracy requires a certain culture. It is impossible to impose democracy; it is something that needs lots of time to mature in a conducive culture. An important part of this culture is to know how to have proper and productive debates without shouting, making others agree with you or getting nasty.
Nowadays when I hear all these “debates” about Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code, the first thing that I want to do is take a needle and fabric because I need to relax before I get the feeling that I am talking to a wall.

Wednesday, February 21, 2007

Armenia Seeks to Boost Population

BBC reports:

Armenia's parliament has passed a dual nationality bill which allows the granting of citizenship to emigres in the huge Armenian diaspora.

Armenia has a population of 3.2 million but the diaspora is estimated to be some eight million. Many of them live in Russia, France, Iran and the US.

(Read More)

Tuesday, February 20, 2007

Students Coming Together for Armenia


Students have historically played a critical role in movements for social change. In the United States, students were at the forefront of the civil rights movement and the ferment of the 1960s. In other parts of the world, from Hungary to Indonesia, students often paved the way for the collapse of dictatorial regimes. In modern Armenian history, students were a pivotal force in the 19th century national movement and the struggle for liberation which emerged from it. Armed with knowledge, idealism and the willingness to challenge the status quo, students make up a segment of society that normally has a high potential for activism and involvement.


Thus, when I heard about an event being held at Columbia University titled “Armenia’s Development: The Students’ Role,” I hoped it would be an opportunity to harness some of the untapped potential students possess and direct it toward the development process in Armenia. The conference was held on Feb. 3 and 4 under the auspices of the Columbia Armenian Club. Its two main sponsors were the Armenian General Benevolent Union (AGBU) and the Armenian Center at Columbia University. The first day featured a host of guest speakers, while the second day was made up of workshops where participants were to devise projects aimed at improving specific sectors of Armenia’s economy.


As a participant in the conference, what I enjoyed most was getting to meet other motivated young people with an interest in Armenia. There were over 150 people in attendance, many of them with different backgrounds, experiences and levels of involvement. The informal discussions and connections that were made among the attendees stood out as one of the most beneficial aspects of the two-day gathering.


However, some of the other aspects of the conference fell short of my expectations. For one, most of the speakers had very little to say about the specific role of students in Armenia’s development. Although hearing about such things as the hotels being built by James Tufenkian, the activities of Armenia Fund USA or developments in the field of information technology was certainly interesting, these are all topics that could have just as easily been addressed to a gathering of Armenian investors or retired people. There was very little information or analysis dealing with what role students can and should play. The underlying assumption seemed to be that we should simply assist developments already taking place, exert influence on policy-makers and anticipate the day when we too can have a career and invest in Armenia.


Interestingly, several speakers took it upon themselves to suggest that we must move beyond “old” diaspora organizations and unite around new institutions. According to this argument, Armenia is facing new obstacles and challenges that are outside the scope of “traditional” Armenian organizations. Unfortunately, proponents of this argument fail to realize that these “old” organizations have a long history of accomplishments for our people that cannot simply be disregarded. They have withstood the test of time, established their credibility, demonstrated an ability to adapt to changing circumstances, and continue to play a vital role in both the homeland and Diaspora. Those concerned with Armenia’s development would do well to learn from and support such organizations rather than attempt to write them off.


Another topic that was brought up more than once was the need to mend differences within the community and work more collaboratively together. Of course, the principle of collective unity is an important one. However, the question is not whether we need unity but, rather, just exactly what principles must we unify around? Once we all come together, where will we go from there? This is where vision, principles and platforms come in. In this respect, the issue of bringing us closer to uniting around a specific set of goals did not find much articulation at the conference. Indeed, it was somewhat amusing to hear people talk about unity at a conference where significant segments of the Diaspora were not properly represented.


As for the workshops on the second day, they were well-intentioned but too constrained by time restrictions and differing perspectives among participants. Not only had most of us in the workshops never met each other before, but it was unclear how we would sustain whatever proposal we came up with. At times, it seemed we were going through the motions of a classroom exercise rather than planning sustainable ways of improving Armenia’s economy.


To be fair, any time students are brought together to think constructively about the role they can play for Armenia’s future, I think it is a positive thing. In this sense, the conference helped provide a venue for us to do so. Yet, beyond this, what is needed are strategies for activism on campuses, building bridges with fellow students in Armenia, and initiating critical, long-term projects that reflect the initiative of students themselves. Ultimately, students must understand the importance of organizing and joining with others around clearly defined principles and goals. This is the formula students have historically used to affect change and the same holds true for today. If more steps are taken in this direction, students will have much more potential of playing a pioneering role in Armenia’s future prosperity.


Saturday, February 17, 2007

Winter 2007 Issue of HAYTOUG


Winter Issue of HAYTOUG has been released.

Special Javakhk Issue.

Today their are over a quarter million Armenians living in the country of Georgia. Javakhk is a region in southern Georgia which is part of the historic Armenian homeland. The inhabitants of the region are 90% Armenian, however they live in dire socio-economic conditions with almost no voice within their government.

The region is plagued with rampant unemployment, crumbling infrastructure and fraudulent elections. The Armenian population, in search of a better life and work, has been consistently emigrating from the region. If current trends continue the region, which has been home to Armenians for thousands of years will become void of any remnants of an Armenian identity.

Educate and activate yourself.


Rwanda Genocide Accusation Causes an Uproar


A French judge says the current leader, Paul Kagame, ordered the killings that set off the genocide.

PARIS — More than a decade after the genocide, a mystery still lies at the heart of Rwanda's darkness.

But France's most celebrated anti-terrorism magistrate believes he knows who assassinated two African presidents on April 6, 1994. The shooting down of the Rwandan presidential jet that night was followed by the killings of an estimated 800,000 people, most of them members of the Tutsi minority.

In a report to French prosecutors late last year, Magistrate Jean-Louis Bruguiere accused the Tutsi leader who is now president of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, of ordering the assassination.

Thursday, February 15, 2007

ANCA Outlines Foreign Aid Priorities


WASHINGTON, DC – The Armenian National Committee of America (ANCA), today, called on key Congressional foreign aid appropriators to maintain current levels of U.S. assistance to Armenia, expand the Nagorno Karabagh humanitarian and developmental aid package, and keep in place the agreement to ensure parity in U.S. military assistance to Armenia and Azerbaijan.

The ANCA's roll-out of the Armenian American community's foreign aid priorities comes in the wake of the Administration’s recent release of its fiscal year (FY) 2008 proposed budget request. The President’s request would reduce U.S. assistance to Armenia from $75 million to $35 million, breaks military assistance parity between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and makes no specific mention of U.S. assistance levels for Nagorno Karabagh.

Tuesday, February 13, 2007

*UPDATE TIME Magazine DVD



Earlier we reported that TIME Magazine would be including a documentary DVD in its new European Edition. (See post)

Please follow the following link to watch the nearly hour-long documentary

(Watch Documentary)

Monday, February 12, 2007

Mass grave outside of Mardin to be opened by international delegation

Assertions made in an article in the Turkish magazine "Nokta" last year that mass Armenian graves could be found in the town of Nusaybin outside of the city of Mardin were taken up by Swedish professor David Gaunt, who then brought these assertions to the attention of the Swedish Parliament.

Gaunt's accusations have elicited a response from the head of the Turkish History Foundation (TTK), Professor Yusuf Halacoglu, who has invited all interested parties to come to Turkey and participate together in an opening up the gravesite in question. Professor Halacoglu, who subsequently received an affirmative answer from Professor Gaunt, said the following regarding the situation:

"Professor Gaunt has said that he would be pleased to cooperate in the opening up of the gravesite in the Mardin area town of Nusaybin. However, he has some preconditions: During digging, he wants complete freedom in the region. In addition, he is requesting the opportunity to speak with anyone in the area who claims to know something about these mass graves....We have naturally accepted all of these demands. In fact, we have said that we are prepared to meet any needs that his delegation may have while in Turkey. We suggested that March would be a good time, as the weather would be perfect. Now we are waiting for the confirmation that they will in fact come."

Professor Halacoglu noted that if the mass grave in question does in fact turn out to hold the bodies of Armenians and/or Suryanis, he will be prepared to apologize in a public press conference, but if not, he is expecting that Professor Gaunt will apologize.

New Essay By Taner Ackam

Printed in Radikal (Turkey) January 24, 2007

I am a Turk. Hrant was an Armenian. I write for Agos. He was Agos. Hrant, Agos's Turkish writers, and Agos itself risked everything for a cause: to cease the hostility between Turks and Armenians; to bring the resentment and hatred to an end. We wanted each group, each nationality, to live together on the common ground of mutual respect. Hrant and Agos were a single flower blooming on the barren plains of Turkey. That flower was destroyed, torn from the ground. Everyone says "The bullet fired at Hrant hit Turkey." That's true, but we need to ask ourselves in complete and transparent honesty: Who made the target for that bullet? Who targeted Hrant so the bullet would find its mark? Who held him fast so the shot wasn't wasted? Hrant wasn't killed by a lone 17-year-old. He was murdered by those who made him a target and held him in place. Nor was he killed by a single bullet. It was the targeting, month by month, that murdered him.

"I'm afraid," he said on January 5, "I'm very afraid, Taner. The attacks on me and on Agos are very systematic. They called me to the Governor's office, where they started making threats. They said, 'We'll make you pay for everything you've been doing.' All the attacks began after I was threatened." "2007 is going to be a bad year, Taner," he continued. "They're not going to ease off. We've been made into a horrible target. Between the press, the politicians, and the lawyers, they've created this atmosphere that's so poisonous, they've made us such an obscenity, that we've become sitting ducks. "They've opened up hunting season, Taner, and they've got us right where they want us." Hrant wasn't killed by a 17-year-old. He was murdered by those who portrayed him as an enemy of Turkey, every single day in the press, to that 17-year-old. He was murdered by those who dragged him to the doors of the courthouse under Article 301. He was murdered by those who aimed Article 301 during their open season on intellectuals, and by those who didn't have the courage to change Article 301. Hrant was murdered by those who called him to the Governor's office and then threatened him instead of protecting him. There's no point in shedding crocodile tears. Let us bow our heads and look at our hands. Let us ponder how we will clean off the blood. You organs of the press who have expressed shock over Hrant's death, go read your back issues, look at what you wrote about Hrant. You will see the murderer there. You, who used 301 as a weapon to hunt intellectuals, see what you wrote about 301, look at the court decisions. You will see the murderer there. Dear government officials, spare us your crocodile tears. Tell us what you plan to do to the Lieutenant Governor who called Hrant into his office and, together with an official from the National Intelligence Bureau, proceeded to threaten him. What do you intend to do to them? Hrant was portrayed as "the Armenian who insulted Turkishness." For this, he was murdered. He was murdered because he said, "Turkey must confront its history." The hands that pulled the trigger – or caused it to be pulled – in 2007 are the same hands that shot all the Hrants in 1915, the same hands that left all those Armenians to choke in the desert. Hrant's killers are sending us a message. They're saying "Yes! We were behind 1915 and we'll do it again in 2007!" Hrant's murderers believe they killed in the name of Turkishness, just like those who killed all the Hrants in 1915. For them, Turkishness is about committing murder. It means setting someone up as the enemy and then targeting that person for destruction. Quite the contrary, the murderers are a black stain upon the brow of Turkishness. It is they who have demeaned Turkish identity. For this reason, we have stood up and we have decided to take Turkishness out of the assassins' hands and we have shouted out, "We are all Hrant! We are all Armenian!" We are the resounding cry of Turkishness and Turkey. All of us – Turks, Kurds, Alevites, secularists, and Muslims alike – shout out on behalf of everyone who wants to take Turkishness away from these murderers. Turkishness is a beautiful thing that should be respected instead of left in the hands of murderers; so is Armenianness. We can feel proud to be Turkish only if we can acknowledge the murderer for who he is. That is what we are doing today. By declaring, "We are all Armenians," we know that we honor Turkishness; by identifying the true murderer, we create a Turkishness worth claiming. Today we declare to the world that murder has nothing to do with Turkishness or Turkey. We are not going to leave Turkishness in the hands of murderers. We will not allow Turkishness to be stained by hate crimes towards Armenians. Either Turkishness belongs to the murderers, or it belongs to us. Turks cry out that the person who killed Hrant is a murderer. In the wake of his death, Turkishness affirms that we are all Armenians.


This, I say, is what we also need to do for 1915.


If we can affirm that a real Turk is someone who can distance Turkishness from the murder of Hrant Dink, then we ought to be able to do the same thing for the events around 1915. Those who gather in a protective circle around Hrant's murderer are the same people who protected the murderers of 1915. Those who honored Talaat, Bahaettin Sakir and Dr. Nazim yesterday are doing the same for Hrant's murderer today. If we can come out and declare Hrant's murder a "shameful act," then we should be able to state the same, as Mustafa Kemal Ataturk did, about the acts that occurred in 1915. Today, hundreds of thousands of us condemn this murder by declaring "We are all Armenian." In 1915, Turks, Kurds, Moslems and Alevites did the same. We have to choose, not only for today but for yesterday as well. Whose side are we on? Which "Turkishness" are we defending, the one that defends the murderers or the one that condemns the murderous acts? Do we stand with Kemal, the Mayor of Bogazliyan, who annihilated Armenians in 1915, or with Abdullahzade Mehmet Efendi, the Mufti of Bogazliyan, who bore witness against that mayor at the trial that lead to his execution, stating "I fear the wrath of God"? Are we going to represent the "Turkishness" that defended the crimes of Talat, Enver, Bahaettin Sakir, Doctor Nazim, and Governor Resit of Diyarbakir? Or will we oppose them in the name of a Turkishness that condemns such horror? We need to know that in 1915 we had Mazhar, the governor of Ankara; Celal, the governor of Halep; Resit, the governor of Kastamonu; Cemal, the lieutenant governor of Yozgat; Ali Faik, the mayor of Kutahya; and Ali Fuat, the mayor of Der-Zor. And we had soldiers and army commanders in 1915, men we can embrace with respect, for opposing what happened: Vehip Pasha, Commander of the Third Army; Avni Pasha, Commander of the Trabzon garrison; Colonel Vasfi; and Salim, Major Commandant of the Yozgat post. Trabzon has its share of murderers like Ogun Samast in 2007 and Governor Cemal Azmi and Unionist "Yenibahceli" Nail in 1915. But those who opposed the crimes of 1915 and didn't hesitate to identify the murderers in court included many citizens of Trabzon: Nuri, Chief of Police; businessman, Ahmet Ali Bey; Customs Inspector Nesim Bey, and parliamentarian Hafiz Mehmet Emin Bey, who testified, "I saw with my own eyes that the Armenians were loaded onto boats and taken out and drowned, but I couldn't do anything to stop it." These are just a few of the dozens, hundreds, even thousands of people who opposed the horrible acts committed. We, Turks and Turkey, have a choice to make. We will affirm either the Turkishness of murderers past and present, or the Turkishness of those who cry out today, "We are all Armenian!" and who yesterday declared, "We will not let our hands be stained with blood." The whole world looks upon us with respect because they see us draw a line between Turkishness and barbarism. Today we are building a wall between murderers and Turkishness; we are Turks who know how to point the finger at a murderer. We must show the same courage in regard to the events of 1915. Hrant wanted us to. When he said, "I love Turks and Turkey, and I consider it a privilege to be living amongst Turks," that's what he was asking for. We need to acknowledge the murderers of the Hrants of 1915, and we need to draw a line between them and Turkishness. If we are going to own up to this murder in 2007 then we need to do the same for those of 1915. That's what confronting one's history is about. Today, by saying to Hrant's murderer, "You don't represent me as a Turk: you are simply a murderer," we have begun the process of confronting and acknowledging our history. We must do the same with the murderers of 1915 by drawing a line between their acts and our Turkishness. We must condemn these murderers as having smeared our brows with the dark stain of their crimes. Then, and only then, can we Turks go about the world with our heads held high. I cry out in the name of Turkishness. I cry out as a Turk, as a friend who lost Hrant, my beloved Armenian brother. Let's take back Turkishness from the murderous hands of those who wish to smear us with their dark deeds. Let's shout in one voice, "WE ARE ALL HRANT! WE ARE ALL ARMENIANS!"

Friday, February 9, 2007

STAND HOLDS ANTI-GENOCIDE CONFERENCE ON DARFUR


From February 2-4 STAND: A Student Anti-Genocide Coalition, held its Western Region Conference at the University of California, Berkeley with over 160 attendees. The conference was a huge success, given the fact that it was organized strictly by students for students in the name of a cause; to stop genocide. A fellow AYF member and I attended this extraordinary event on behalf of our respective STAND chapters.

The issue at hand was the genocide currently taking place in Darfur, and the message was how to act. The weekend was full of lectures and workshops, and was concluded with a successful die-in. The topics discussed were current Darfur legislation, how to initiate and advance legislation, how to lobby congress, successful media tactics, as well as the current situation on the ground in Darfur to name a few.

STAND has truly been an amazing student movement of our time, with chapters currently located in over 15 countries. What started in Goergetown University found its way across to numerous universities, colleges, and high schools. STAND has taken a truly grassroots model. There is a STAND National who is there only to provide resources and help to chapters. Chapters are the ones who take initiatives and formulate strategies.

STAND is currently fighting for US and international sanctions on the Khartoum Regime, as well as a UN peacekeeping force in Darfur to stop atrocities. The international response has been weak. It seems as though the world is waiting for the genocide to be completed so that it may stand up after it is all done and say, ‘never again!’

Wednesday, February 7, 2007

Turkey Misses its Chance with Armenia

by Vartan Oskanian (Foreign Minister of the Republic of Armenia)

ANKARA HAS LET a rare moment pass. Three weeks after the assassination of acclaimed Turkish Armenian journalist Hrant Dink, it appears the Turkish authorities have grasped neither the message of Hrant's life nor the significance of his death.

In the days immediately following Dink's shocking death, allegedly at the hands of a fanatic Turkish nationalist, we in Armenia and others around the world wanted to believe that the outpouring of public grief would create a crack in the Turkish wall of denial and rejection, and that efforts would be made to chip away at the conditions that made the assassination possible. We all hoped that the gravity of this slaying and the breadth of the reaction would have compelled Turkey's leaders to seize the moment and make a radical shift in the policies that sustain today's dead-end situation.

However, after those initial hints at conciliation, the message out of Ankara has already changed. Last week, according to the Turkish media, Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan said there can be no rapprochement with Armenians because Armenians still insist on talking about the genocide.

The prime minister is right. Armenians do insist on talking about the genocide. It's a history-changing event that ought not, indeed cannot, be forgotten. However, we also advocate a rapprochement. And one is not a precondition for the other.

Dink was an advocate of many things. Chief among them, he believed that individuals have the right to think, to talk, to explore, to debate. Dink knew that if the authorities would just allow people to reflect and reason aloud, share questions and search for answers, everything would fall into place. Eventually, through public and private discourse, Turks would arrive at genocide recognition themselves.

Equally, he also believed that there must be dialogue between peoples, between nations — especially between his two peoples, the Armenians and the Turks. He himself was a one-man dialogue, carrying on both sides of the conversation, trying to make one side's needs and fears audible to the other.

Unfortunately, Turkey's policy of keeping the Armenian-Turkish border closed has resulted in a reinforcement of animosities. Dink was one of many Armenian and Turkish intellectuals who understood that there needs to be free movement of people and ideas in order to achieve reconciliation among neighbors. But Turkey insists on maintaining the last closed border in Europe as a tool to exert pressure on Armenia, to make its foreign policy more pliant, to punish Armenians for defending their rights and not renouncing their past. Armenia, on the other hand, has no preconditions to normalizing relations.

This hermetically closed border combined with a law that prevents Turkey from exploring its own history and memory (by criminalizing truth-seekers such as Dink) have created a world in which Turks can't know their past and can't forge their future. They can neither explore old memories nor replace them with new ones.

Three weeks ago, our grief was mixed with hope. Today, Turkish authorities continue to defend Article 301, the notorious "insulting Turkishness" statute used to prosecute even novelists who depict characters questioning Ankara's official line on the genocide. And there is no mention at all of the continuing damage caused by a closed border.

If Turkey can't seize the moment, it should not be surprised when others do. Last week, a resolution was introduced in the U.S. Congress to affirm the U.S. record on the Armenian genocide.

The Turks will say such a resolution is not needed. They will say that they've called for a joint Armenian-Turkish historical commission to discuss the genocide, and they don't need third parties. But recognition of the Armenian genocide is no longer a historical issue in Turkey, it's a political one. Dink would wonder how "on the one hand, they call for dialogue with Armenia and Armenians, on the other hand they want to condemn or neutralize their own citizen who is working for dialogue."

Dink was courageous but not naive. Still, he could not have predicted this kind of "neutralization." The brutality of his killing serves several political ends. First, it makes Turkey less interesting for Europe, which is exactly what some in the Turkish establishment want. Second, it may scare away Armenians and other minorities in Turkey from pursuing their civil and human rights. Third, it can frighten into silence those bold Turks who are beginning to explore these complicated, sensitive subjects in earnest.

I prefer to think that more noble political ideals will be served. Hrant Dink will remain an inspiration for Armenians who share his vision of understanding and harmony among peoples and for Turks who share his dream of living in peace with neighbors and with history.

Monday, February 5, 2007

Football chants in the wake of Hrant's death

by Oktay Eksi, Hurriyet


Let the Prime Minister have some vision. Let him deal not only with Turkey's various troubles, but with world problems. Let him show other countries the true path in life....

These are wonderful wishes, are they not?

Clearly Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan must have felt this desire, as he left to join in the African Union summit taking place in the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa. He sprinkled delegates there with great words showing a "wide-scoped vision."He drew attention in to the ever-widening gap between the West and the Islamic world. He called on African leaders to support the Alliance of Civilizations project.

Interestingly though, just at the moment he was making this call for support, his own country, Turkey, was under the siege of those who would like to divide our nation into enemy camps, polarized by their hatred and intolerance for eachother.

According to news this week, the usual chants heard at football games were not enough for the fans who came to watch Trabzonspor play Kayserispor over the weekend. The rally leaders at the match, whose job is to yell directive chants over their megaphones, took up the well-known chant of "Those who don't stand up are Fenerbahce fans!" and turned it instead into "Those who don't stand up are Armenians!"

It is clear that the intent of these chants was not to "provoke" but to outright "insult."


Ok, so you might respond to this by saying "What, you think that's something? There are usually such insults raining down on those stadium seats that you could never repeat them at your home or to your children!"


But I would point out that one of the peculiar attributes of those stadium chants is that they are of the variety that can be forgotten and left behind at the stands of the stadium. But is this "Armenian" chant really of that variety?

Next we learn that even more worrisome things took place at football matches in Adana and Malatya, also this weekend.

So let's say that the reactions we saw at the Adana match were directly in response to the banners at Hrant Dink's funeral which read "We are all Hrant Dink" and "We are all Armenian," which is why Adana fans unfurled banners reading "We are all Mustafa Kemal" and "We are all Turkish!"


But what can we say about the Malatya match? At this match, which was between Malatyaspor and Elazigspor, there were reportedly around 400 Elazigspor fans chanting "Armenian Malatya!" before the game. (This chant being of course a reference to the fact that Hrant Dink was born in Malatya.) They they opened up banners reading "We are neither Armenian nor from Malatya. We are from Elazig. We are Turkey lovers!"

You can play football at a match, but you can't-or shouldn't-play with peoples' patriotism. Because playing with patriotism means playing with fire. And the types of people who fill football stadium stands anyway are the types very open to provocation.

To be clear about it, we are being pulled towards exactly the sort of backdrop desired by those who would have the people of our country turn on eachother. We are trying hard to misunderstand eachother. For example, we are thrilled when Germans protesting the burning down by racists of a Turkish family's house in the German city of Solingen hit the streets in protest carrying signs saying "We are all Turkish," but it is another story altogether when we do the same things after Hrant Dink's death. We are pushing our society towards polarization. And in doing so, we are harming our nation.

To wit, though it's wonderful that the Prime Minister is looking for solutions in Africa, doesn't he also need to sweep his own front door step right about now?

Sunday, February 4, 2007

LA Times Editorial: New Hope for Genocide Resolution

LAST WEEK, Rep. Adam B. Schiff (D-Burbank) engaged in what has become a biannual congressional ritual: Introducing a nonbinding resolution instructing the president of the United States to call Turkey's Ottoman-era slaughter of Armenians a genocide. Unlike in years past, however, this time the symbolic but important legislation actually has a legitimate chance at passage.

Two recent developments have created momentum. First, the Democratic Party, which has historically been more sympathetic to the resolution, now controls Congress. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-San Francisco) in particular has taken a keen interest in bringing the matter to a vote. Second, a 17-year-old gunman last month executed in cold blood the respected Turkish Armenian journalist Hrant Dink on a crowded Istanbul street.

The slaying of Dink, who had been prosecuted for acknowledging the genocide, has sent a collective shiver down Turkey's spine, triggering street demonstrations and renewed calls for the government to change its policy. It is still a crime in Turkey to speak the truth about a period of history whose accepted worldwide interpretation Ankara still denies.

Schiff's resolution merely calls on the president to ensure that U.S. foreign policy "reflects appropriate understanding and sensitivity" regarding the genocide and that he use the G-word during his annual message commemorating the National Day of Remembrance of Man's Inhumanity to Man on April 24, the date in 1915 when Turkey rounded up 250 Armenian intellectuals to be slaughtered. That the resolution is so mild makes the White House's opposition all the more vexing.

Even though President Bush made a campaign promise in 2000 to use the word "genocide," his flip-flop is neither surprising nor mysterious — Ankara has considerable diplomatic influence, and Turkey is too valuable an ally to alienate with congressional resolutions. Yet the U.S. is at its best when it chooses truth over expedience, especially in matters as grave as genocide. It's hard to say "never again" convincingly if you're too afraid to speak bluntly about what you aim to prevent.

Saturday, February 3, 2007

TIME Magazine Adopts New Policy on Armenian Genocide

The Feb. 12, 2007 issue of the European edition of Time magazine -available in newsstands throughout Europe as of Feb. 2nd -- carries a full-page factual announcement on the Armenian Genocide, along with a complimentary DVD, in English and French, which contains a compelling 52-minute documentary on the Armenian Genocide by French director Laurence Jourdan.

The DVD also includes a 46-minute interview with Dr. Yves Ternon, a leading expert on the Armenian Genocide.

Both the DVD and the full-page ad were provided free of charge by Time
Europe (circulation 550,000) after realizing that its staff, without proper
review, had inserted in the June 6, 2005 issue of Time Europe a Turkish DVD as a paid advertisement under the guise of promoting tourism to Turkey.

The Turkish DVD, paid for by the Ankara Chamber of Commerce, was a deceitful attempt to spread malicious lies and denialist propaganda on the Armenian Genocide.

To correct this error, Time (Europe) published, in its October 17, 2005
issue, a critical page-long letter to the editor jointly signed by the
following five French organizations: Memoire 2000, the Coordinating Council of Armenian Organizations of France (CCAF), Comite de Defense de la Cause Armenienne (CDCA) -- ANC France, J'Accuse, and the Movement Against Racism and for Friendship Among Peoples (MRAP).

In an Editor's note appended to the letter, Time apologized for disseminating the Turkish DVD.

Subsequently, Michael Elliott, the Editor of Time International, issued the following public statement: "Please be advised that, in common with other leading news organizations, it is Time's policy and practice to refer to the Armenian genocide as a historical fact. Accordingly, I will be informing our correspondents and editors that the term 'Armenian genocide' should be used without qualification.".

The Turkish attempt to distort the facts of the Armenian Genocide, supported by considerable financial resources, was properly countered as a result of these organizations' close cooperation
with Time which placed journalistic ethics above all other considerations.