In my previous article I mentioned that conspiracy theories are more believable in Turkey than any other country, mainly because its fundamental institutions -- politics, courts and media -- have been affected by shadowy connections. Many of these connections have been exposed during critical periods. When the public hears of relations between the deep state and the mafia, they suspect something is wrong. They suspect changes in the social channels, diversions in political events and ultimately come to believe in many different conspiracy theories.
With less then two months before the elections, the recent developments in Turkey are once again supporting conspiracy theories. The majority of the public hold political engineering attempts responsible for these events, so it’s important that we examine the events that support this view.
Democratic channels in Turkey were operating smoothly until various criminal organizations were exposed in 2006. The first organization, the “Sauna Gang,” was discovered by mere coincidence. The owner of a sauna grew suspicious of her customers and informed officials. A brief investigation revealed that a group of people had formed an illegal organization to launch an unconventional war. Officers, retired police chiefs and a mafia leader were among the gang’s members. As soon as the group received media coverage some authorities said the case was independent of other developments. But only a few months later another criminal organization was discovered in Bursa with members that included a general, police official and a mafia leader. Four other organizations were discovered in 2006. Authorities later found maps, layouts to important businesses and addresses to strategic places.
In the Eryaman Gang operation, police confiscated plans of the homes of Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his advisor Cüneyt Zapsu. The press reported that there were assassination plans included among the documents. Weapons and bombs seized in the operation reinforced those claims.
The Şemdinli incident was a turning point in Turkish politics. After 17 bombing attempts, the public found the bombers and their cars. An officer and a Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) informant were among those who had planned the bombings. The event sparked wide public attention, silenced after it was made a tool for political debates and conflicts. And the prosecutor who was leading the investigation was removed from office.
Other organizations such as the nationalist Kuvva-i Milliye have also formed in the past few years. This organization, disguised as a civil society organization, requires its members to swear, on the flag and weapons, to kill and die. Although these oath taking ceremonies have been broadcast on television, no prosecutor has filed a lawsuit against it, nor has any major media organization reported on this story. Officials prefer to remain oblivious to the matter because important members of the organizations were retired officers and such organizations are part of the political engineering process.
A few months ago Nokta newsweekly made striking claims. According to the documents Nokta retrieved, the General Staff had categorized journalists in the country as either pro-military or anti-military. The news was never denied and the only official response the public received was that the documents were still in draft form.
The magazine revealed more documents and claimed there were had been two planned coups, led by Gen. Şener Eruygur in 2004, against the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party). Eruygur, currently the president of the Kemalist Thought Association (ADD), never denied the claims. A police operation was launched against the magazine. Following several days of questioning, Nokta was forced to close down.
The reports in Nokta’s last edition were striking, yet it predicted today’s events flawlessly. The reports claimed that organizations would identify themselves as being “nongovernmental” and the AK Party government would be prevented from electing a president through the efforts of the those nongovernmental organizations and the media. Isn’t that exactly what happened?
The Turkish public, who know that the natural course of politics can be intervened in and psychological techniques can be used to push people to the streets, are very skeptical about the current political picture. They realize that nongovernmental demonstrations are not nongovernmental. They see the court as politically aligned. They think decisions are based on politics instead of justice.
This is not a result of groundless theory or skepticism. They know that three presidents, Özal, Demirel and Sezer, were elected with the same Constitution, but that the quorum of 367 is being strictly defended to prevent Abdullah Gül from becoming president. The public see the Constitutional Court’s approval of this double standard as political alignment.
While criticizing the AK Party, Higher Education Board (YÖK) President Erdoğan Teziç confessed “they’ve captured the government, now they want to take hold of the state.” That is what the fight is about. Those who see themselves as the owners of the state do not want to allow the democratically elected leading party to govern freely. When public support for the leading party increases, a bureaucratic oligarchy known as the “deep state” forms and seeks to paralyze the public’s will through political re-engineering.
Some members of important state institutions, including the justice system and military, are believed to support this deep state. As a result of secret alliances and dark organizations that form during this period, different events occur. This leads the public to question the validity and truth of events. They consider the possibility of covert plans and scenarios to control the public’s opinion. What do you think? Would you say the public is right?
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